perjantaina, lokakuuta 12, 2007


Alma Median terrierimäinen Helsingin-toimitus heitti pari päivää sitten lisää löylyä suomettumiskeskustelun kiville. Katja Boxberg ja Taneli Heikka olivat haastatelleet 11 professoria ja tutkijaa. Lopputulemana oli, että suomettuminen painaa yhteiskuntaamme yhä, koska neukkuja ihailleet radikaalit pitävät nykyisin hallussaan keskeisiä paikkoja niin politiikassa tieteessä kuin mediassakin. Tämän valta-aseman tuloksena on syntynyt kiusallisen menneisyyden välttelyn ja kieltämisen kulttuuri, minkä vuoksi keskustelua 1970-luvun ylilyönneistä ei ole kunnolla saatu käyntiin vieläkään. Myös ulkopolitiikka on yhä arka asia eikä parlamentarismikaan kaikilta osiltaan toimi täysin terveellä tavalla. Jutun voi maksutta lukea esim. täältä.

Poliittisen historian tutkimus oli nostettu tämän menneisyydenhallinnallisen mätäpäiseen myrskynsilmään. Sitä käytettiin esimerkkinä siitä, kuinka 1970-luvun vasemmistolaiset nykyään hallitsevat oppituoleja ja sitä kautta pääsevät ohjailemaan menneisyyskeskustelun suuntaan. Haastateltavien kautta ilmoille heitettiin todellinen poliittisen historian Tiitisen lista, jossa neljästä virassa olevasta professorista mainittiin menneisyytensä vuoksi epäilyttävinä kolme eli Seppo Hentilä ja Pauli Kettunen Helsingistä sekä Kimmo Rentola Turusta. Myös emeritusprofessori Jorma Kalela oli päässyt listoille. Nimien mainitsemista konkreettisemmalle tasolle asiassa ei päästy, eikä yhtäkään vasemmistolaisprofessorien ryhmän jäsentä oltu myöskään haastateltu.

Pääsin itse puuttumaan suomettumisen problematiikkaan 20.-22. syyskuuta Tallinnassa pidetyssä Places of Commemoration in North Eastern Europe. Minulta oli pyydetty esitelmää sodanjälkeisen historian muistamisen vaikeuksista Suomessa, ja tällöin tietysti suomettuminen nousi keskiöön. Alla koko esitelmä.

* * * * *


Remembering the Post-war Era in Finland

Ever since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 there has been an ongoing debate in Finland about the interpretations of country’s Cold War era history. Finnish Vergangenheitsbewältigung of the 1990s was very much influenced by the general neopatriotic turn in the interpretations of history, and consequently many events, processes and individuals of the past were re-evaluated against the backdrop of new post-Soviet standards of historical and political discussion. This exchange has been dominated by a couple of overarching themes, most importantly the effects of the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance with the Soviet Union, the long presidency of Urho Kekkonen from 1956 to 1982, the so called Finlandization or Finnlandisierung, contacts with eastern intelligence agencies, most importantly Soviet KGB and East-German Stasi, and the communist movement Taistolaisuus (Engl. Taistoism). The aim of this paper is to give a short overall account of this historical debate and its background.

Postwar Finnish Foreign Policy

After having fought on the side of Adolf Hitler’s national socialist Germany from June 1941 onwards Finland concluded a separate peace with Soviet Union in September 1944. This started a whole new era in country’s foreign policy. In the 1920s and 1930s Finland had tried to keep its distance from Soviet Union and the relationship between the two countries had been marred by the atmosphere of mutual suspicion. Although Finland was the only country in the German coalition that wasn’t occupied by either the Germans or the Soviets during the war, the defeat in the Continuation War of 1941-1944, as it was and is still called in Finland, marked the definite bankruptcy of the foreign political doctrines of Finnish rightists and conservatives. From September 1944 onwards Finland had to abandon its traditional ties to Germany and the most important task for Finnish policy makers was to work out a modus vivendi with the Soviet Union.

The so called Paasikivi-Kekkonen doctrine, named after two consecutive postwar Presidents J.K. Paasikivi and Urho Kekkonen, constituted the cornerstone of Cold War Finnish foreign policy. It was premised on the assumption that in order to achieve a peaceful coexistence Finland had to acknowledge and take into account the Soviet security interests and accommodate to them whenever necessary. This principle was consolidated in the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance that was concluded between the countries on the 6th of April 1948. The form of treaty was similar to the ones Soviet Union concluded with its Eastern European satellites, as it contained a mention of defensive cooperation in case of outside aggression and thus significantly curtailed options available for Finnish foreign policy.

The critics of Paasikivi-Kekkonen doctrine saw that the treaty effectively compromised Finland’s sovereignty by making it possible for the Soviets to heavily intervene in internal Finnish matters with the pretense of security interests. This was also a commonly held view among international observers. For nearly four decades Moscow grew accustomed in having a say in the composition of Finnish governments and the suitability of individual politicians for ministerial portfolios. President Kekkonen was heavily criticized for using the foreign policy and relations to Moscow to prop up his own position, which eventually became so strong that the Soviets became to see him as an irreplaceable guarantor of harmonious coexistence between the countries and refused to negotiate with anybody else. Whenever Soviet leaders saw signs of change in Finnish policies, they didn’t hesitate to resort to veiled threats and political blackmail to put a stop to unwanted developments. In the course of years Kekkonen learned to anticipate Soviet reactions to the extent that Moscow didn’t even have to do anything to guarantee that the line of Finnish foreign policy conformed to Soviet interests.


The concept of Finnlandisierung, in English Finlandization, originated as a cautionary term during the 1960s and 1970s in the commentaries of West German political scientists and conservative politicians. On a general level it referred to a political configuration where a small state is too weak to challenge or resist the influence of a more powerful neighbor and consequently has to give up portions of its sovereignty and neutrality. In the West the term was usually seen as a pejorative one, although also a more positive Machiavellist interpretation is possible. The famous Finnish political cartoonist Kari Suomalainen for example, has defined Finlandization as “the art of bowing to the East so carefully that it could not be considered as mooning”, that is displaying your bare buttocks, “to the West.” As the choice of word reveals, the real world example of the phenomenon that the coiners of the term had in mind was Finland.

During the Cold War Finnish foreign policy was based on the premise that accommodating Soviet security interests was an imperative that couldn’t be circumvented. Because of the geopolitical realities country had no other alternative than to comply with Soviet demands. Therefore the number one task of the foreign political leadership was to protect the country from descending any deeper under the Soviet influence by keeping Moscow happy with the way things were going in Helsinki. This meant low profile in international politics, refraining from foreign political acts that could cause alarm in Soviet Union and withholding any criticism of its actions. In certain questions like forming of governments it also meant that the Finns had to allow Moscow the right to intervene in Finnish internal affairs whenever Kremlin saw it necessary.

One of the most integral parts of Finlandization was the self-censorship exercised by the Finns. It became an everyday practice that participants in public discussions followed particular caution when they expressed views on Soviet Union or the Finnish-Soviet relations. Finnish authorities closely monitored the media in order to keep the criticism of Soviet Union out of the public eye and made specific requests to publishers to abstain from giving voice to opinions that could be detrimental from the point of view of Finnish-Soviet relations. To make the compliance with these requests more attractive this principle of foreign political reserve was even sanctioned by the criminal law. Eventually it became customary for the journalists themselves to voluntarily and on their own initiative omit parts of their stories and articles that could be interpreted as anti-Soviet either by the Soviet Union or by the President, who kept a close eye on Finnish public opinion.

Moscow squarely and openly branded certain political groups and individual people in Finnish society as “anti-Soviet”. Because this effectively buried any chance of reaching the positions of power, even the bourgeoisie parties and politicians competed for friendship with Moscow. In most cases the term “anti-Soviet”, however, was used by the Finns themselves. Threat of becoming stigmatized for anti-Sovietism was a forceful incentive for political self-censorship, and the authorities frequently used it as a tool for molding and guiding the public opinion. During the darkest days of Finlandization air was thick with self-seeking accusations of this or that opinion, group or person being “anti-Soviet”. In the 1970s and 1980s the term became a real catch phrase for malicious campaigning and political opportunism.

Kekkonen and the decay of Finnish political culture

President Kekkonen built his incomparable political dominance on the good graces of Soviet leadership, and his anticipatory and accommodating political strategies attracted many power-eager followers. Being in favor of Moscow became one of the central prerequisites for a successful political career in Finland. The most blatant indication of this was an institution called Kotiryssä, a proper English language translation of which would be something like “domestic Russian” or “home Russian”. The pejorative term referred to those Soviet contact persons of Finnish politicians who operated with private appearance and outside official diplomatic structures. Very often these contacts were KGB agents with various cover roles. Finnish politicians used these contacts to quietly and unofficially find out the Soviet position on various political questions like foreign policy initiatives and decisions to appointments in office.

Having a “domestic Russian” actually became a political status symbol, without which it was deemed to be impossible to climb to the upper rungs of the political ladder. Similarly the invitation to the celebrations of October Revolution to the Soviet embassy in Finland was highly esteemed as a public testimony of belonging to the chosen few appreciated in Moscow. Those who couldn’t secure Russian contacts and invitations turned to East Germans as substitutes. Needless to say they on their part were mostly Stasi agents. All political parties had their share of people who frequented the Soviet embassy to supply information on their organizations and colleagues.

Taistolaiset (Engl. Taistoists) was a minority group within the Finnish communist party. The group was faithful to the Marxist-Leninist orthodoxy and strove to pose as the vanguard of proletarian internationalism in the country. The most visible and vocal group within the Taistoism-movement were the university students, who succeeded in colonizing the student and university politics to a considerable degree. Taistoists admired Soviet Union for its achievements in building a communist society and regarded it as a rightful leader of international socialism. They strictly denounced criticism of Soviet policies and for example hailed the repression of Prague Spring in 1968 as a legitimate and necessary measure for safeguarding the progress of socialism. Taistoists were eager to point out and pass judgment on the anti-Sovietism of other political groups. They praised Soviet Union for its sacrifices for world peace and genuinely believed in the supremacy of the Soviet system, and lent their services willingly for promoting Kremlin’s goals in Finland.

Doctor Jukka Tarkka, a renowned Finnish expert on the political culture of the 1970s, has given a telling account of the atmosphere of the time:

“There was no need to spy on the Finns. On the contrary, they were flocking in and racing against each other to deliver inside information. No documents changed hands, much less money. As long as the sauna stove was hissing and beer was foaming the Finns were full of stories.”

On his third (1968-1978) and fourth (1978-1982) terms President Kekkonen’s support and power had become so overwhelming, that his position started to resemble those of the leaders of the communist bloc. Kekkonen used his extensive powers and foreign political monopoly to actively intervene in most diverse matters in internal politics to make sure that the country stayed on his preferred political track. The rivalry for Kekkonen’s favor and blessing among the Finnish political elite became so fierce that it threatened the democratic core of country’s political system. Pleasing the President and courting the Soviets were used as a key to open the doors to the corridors of power. During the 1970s and 1980s many such plots unfolded in the political wings that from the point of view of democracy, transparency and national interest were more than questionable.

More benevolent commentators have tended to see this foreign political dependency on Moscow as a price that Finland unavoidably had to pay in order to be able to pursue its Western cultural and economical orientations. The country undoubtedly had to adapt to Soviet demands in foreign policy, but at the same time it also greatly benefited from its close relationship to Moscow for example by being able to exercise trade with Soviet Union on very favorable terms. For long periods of time Finland was the second largest Western trade partner of Soviet Union after West Germany. Many Finnish corporations made huge profits on the Soviet market as the demand was surefire and the quality requirements weren’t anywhere close to the Western standards. Enormous construction contracts brought massive revenues for Finnish construction companies and an abundance of job opportunities for skilled Finnish workers.

Despite the dismal starting point after the lost war in 1944, Finland managed to safeguard its democratic form of government in contrast to all other countries in the Soviet sphere of influence. During the Cold War it underwent a great transformation from a mostly agrarian country into a Nordic welfare state with one of the highest living standards in the whole world. The politics that brought forth a leap forward of this magnitude couldn’t possibly have been that erroneous. Therefore the actions that for others represent condemnable political gamble and self-interested plotting at the expense of national interest bordering on treason, appear as raison d’état and cunning small state Machiavellism for others. Therefore Finlandization can also be seen as a strategy for survival, where the political trade-offs and compromises are dictated by the supreme need to protect the national existence.

Balance sheet of Finnish Vergangenheitsbewältigung

For the Soviet satellite countries in Central and Eastern Europe the year 1989 brought about a complete collapse of the communist single-party regimes. With this abrupt and all-encompassing change came the political necessity to settle the scores with the past and to purge the public life of the remnants of old regime as thoroughly as possible. Admittedly, there was a considerable degree of variation in the strategies for coping with the problematic past. As for example Germany and Czechoslovakia opted for swift legislative measures, the process proved to be much more difficult and complex in countries like Estonia, Latvia and Poland. Nevertheless the policy of blocking the former informants of secret police and communist officials from postcommunist politics and civil service had a strong backing of the populations of these countries.

Although Finland was neither a Soviet satellite nor a communist one-party state, the revolution from 1989-1991 had tremendous repercussions for it too. During the Cold War Finland had closer ties to Soviet Union than any other European country outside the communist bloc. Together with India it was the only non-socialist country that had bilateral trade arrangements with Soviet Union. Official Finnish foreign policy statements were waving a flag of neutrality, but nobody really believed this, not the Soviets, not the capitalist bloc, not even the Finns themselves. It was clear to all parties involved that Finland belonged to the Soviet sphere of interest and that the Finns had to adjust their behavior accordingly.

Finnish political system survived the end of the Cold war intact. What didn’t survive was the corrupt and unhealthy political culture with its “domestic Russians”, hissing sauna stoves and charges of anti-Sovietism. As the political career ladders were no longer provided by the KGB or Stasi contacts completely new contact networks and success strategies had to be developed. Despite the abruptness and unexpectedness of change in 1989 the overwhelming majority of Finnish politicians carried out this renewal with almost astonishing speed and easiness. As the future of world politics remained unclear most of the prominent political figures of the 1970s and 1980s chose to put their past behind them and not to look back. If somebody had the nerve to ask embarrassing questions about their one-time attitudes and activities, pleading to the so called general reasons and the then normal mode of operation sufficed to explain everything.

Although the public discussion about Taistoism and Finlandization has now continued for over 15 years, the attitudes among the political elite towards a systematic historical settling of accounts have remained lukewarm at best. Although the political culture of Finlandization years was buried long ago, the level of continuity among the political, cultural and office-holder elites from Cold War era to this day is high indeed. This undoubtedly explains a great deal of the reluctance to launch inquiries of the political realities two or three decades ago. The elites, or at least parts of them, have both the desire and the motive to prevent this kind of discussion, and, most importantly, the means to do it.

At the moment discussion about the legacies of Kekkonen and Finlandization revolves around the contacts with the East German secret police Stasi. In 2003 Mr. Alpo Rusi, former foreign political advisor to the President Martti Ahtisaari, serving from 1994 to 2000, was suspected by Finnish security police organization Supo of aggravated espionage for the benefit of German Democratic Republic. The authorities failed to keep the ongoing investigation out of the public eye, and an avalanche of sensationalist publicity ensued. With the lack of sound evidence the case however fizzled into nothing, and Rusi decided to sue the state for damaging his reputation and causing injuries to his feelings. As we speak, the court decision is pending, but the public debate rages on. Many prominent figures in Finnish political life have been singled out as possible Stasi informants, including two former Social Democrat Prime Ministers.

Need for further discussion

There is a broad general opinion urging for a thorough scrutiny of political events of Finlandization era. There is a growing consensus on the standpoint that at least during the 1970s adaptation to Soviet needs and political horse-trading with Moscow went too far. The alleged Stasi-contacts are only a tip of the iceberg, as the most important foreign intelligence agency in Finland was of course the Soviet KGB. It is demanded that in the name of democracy, transparency and historical integrity the Finlandization years have to be studied as carefully as possible to arrive at a realistic estimate of the effects of the foreign political culture of the time. The exposure of compromising contacts with KGB and Stasi is at the very center of these demands.

The flipside of the coin are the internal developments in Finland, especially the influence and effects of the radical-left Taistoism-movement. Many of the careers of today’s prominent Finns among the political and cultural elite began in 1970s and was considerably helped by Soviet contacts, on some occasions even built on them. It must be embarrassing for many of them to recollect for example the whole page declaration resisting the Finnish free trade agreement with the European Economic Community and demanding increasing the trade with Soviet Union and Comecon-countries, published in the largest Finnish newspaper Helsingin Sanomat on the 19th of September 1973. Among the signatories of this “No to EEC” –appeal you can find many people who nowadays hold high positions and are preaching the all-embracing blessedness of economic integration and devoutly endorsing the Finnish membership in the European Union, for example the current President, General Director of Bank of Finland, members of European Parliament, members of Finnish parliament, ambassadors and other top officials, university rectors and distinguished professors, award-winning novelists and filmmakers, and so on.

Interestingly enough, one of the most enthusiastic strongholds of the Taistoist stripe of communism was Toimittajaliitto, the union of Finnish journalists. The union used its power over public opinion to fight against perceived anti-Sovietism and to disseminate empathetically positive information about Soviet Union. Many of its members also had frequent contacts to the representatives of the Soviet Embassy in Helsinki and provided their services to further the aims of Soviet policies in Finland. The most interesting thing about the journalists’ union is that many of its former members today are prominent figures in the Finnish media universe, editors-in-chief, influential political journalists, highly valued academic experts on journalism studies, news chiefs, producers et cetera.

When talking about reflections of Finlandization on the level of civic organizations, one definitely has to mention also the Finland-Soviet Union Association, a broad-based organization established to cultivate civil society level contacts and friendship between the two countries. Notwithstanding its allegedly non-political nature the association became to have a strong influence in Finnish foreign and domestic policies, serving as an important platform for political performances for politicians from all political parties.

Most of those who have been pointed out as active participants in contacts with Soviet and East German agents have tended to brush the whole issue aside by stating that they simply acted in a way that was not only perfectly normal but also a national custom in those days. Many members of Taistoism-movement have countered the criticism by saying that their actions fell well within acceptable range of idealistic student activism and stemmed more from their youthful zealousness than any genuine attachment to Soviet communism.

Taking into account the more than considerable current influence in Finnish politics, media, cultural life and higher education of these one-time friends, supporters and partners of Soviet Union, a broad public discussion concerning the characteristics, nature, effects, significance and necessity of the political culture of the Finlandization period would certainly be interesting. With each passing day this kind of public scrutiny also seems to be more and more necessary from the point of view democratic openness, public opinion and historical integrity.

In dealing with the legacies of Cold War history Finland at the moment is a European exception. Unlike in all other European countries that had close ties to Soviet Union and Marxist-Leninist ideology, in Finland the genuine efforts of openly facing this difficult period of recent history are yet to emerge. Quite awkwardly and disturbingly, at least from the Finnish point of view, the country thus falls in the same category of Cold War Vergangenheitsbewältigung with Albania, where the debate about possible opening of the secret files of security police Siguirimi has only just started.

Although Finland was not a communist Soviet satellite, an adequate understanding of country’s Cold War history is impossible without taking into account the enormous influence of Soviet Union and communism. High level of elite continuity between the Finlandized Finland and today’s Finland is more than obvious. This is why we need discussions about really how far it was necessary to go to accommodate Moscow, and to which extent Finlandization was a domestic phenomenon, something essentially brought forth by the Finnish initiatives. As we know from the experience of the Central and Eastern European postcommunist countries, striking a balance between sensationalist political witch-hunts on the one hand and brushing aside important historical issues in the name of political expediency on the other is a delicate matter. What we need is an honest and unprejudiced reckoning with the complex and difficult past, and this is where the historians have to step in.

60 kommenttia:

Jouni kirjoitti...

Esitelmän viimeinen virke ("What we need is an honest and unprejudiced reckoning with the complex and difficult past, and this is where the historians have to step in.") sopii muuten aika mukavasti tuohon Alma Median jutun teemaan. ;)

No joo, asiaan. Onko Alma Median hyökkäys osa laajempaa oikeistolaistumista, joka on yhä kiihtynyt kokoomuksen jekutettua itsensä hallitukseen?

Nytkö kaikki vähänkin vasemmistolaisuuteen viittaava joutuu anakronistisen kritiikin kohteeksi, jolloin historiallis-poliittisella kontekstilla ei ole mitään merkitystä, kun ns. ensimmäisen tasavallan kritisointi vaihtuu toisen tasavallan arvosteluksi ja sen lonkeroiden vainoharhaiseksi etsimiseksi?

Sedis kirjoitti...

Kylläpä on suomettuneiden lista nyt löydetty, miten se oli, "terrierimäisten" toimittajien parista?

Mitä "suomettumisakteja" se Jormakin on tehnyt meidän muiden tietämättä?

Jounin puhe anakronistisesta kritiikistä on hyvä luonnehdinta.

Toimittajien historiatuntemus on juuri sillä tasolla, jossa mitä tahansa vasemmistolaista poliittista toimintaa, ajattelua tai (yleensä irti kontekstista reväistyä) lausumaa nimitetään esim. tulipunaiseksi kommunismiksi.

Se ei olisi ensimmäinen kerta puheissa, mutta julkisissa kirjoituksissa kyllä. Kylmän sodan henkiä näyttää riittävän näissä omin sanoin "kunnianhimoisissa" toimittajissa.

Pannaan uusiksi - käytin tätä kerran oman blogin kommenteissa - tähän ote toisen kirjoittajan, Aamulehden toimittajan Taneli Heikan blogista 23.11.2005:

"Vasta viiden sekunnin päästä muistin, että näillä paikkeilla virtaa myös journalismin etiikan yksi raja. Sen toisella puolella ovat ne toimittajat, jotka eivät halua millään tavalla osallistua kohteidensa todellisuuteen. Jos rahaa ei ole, kylpekööt rantaliejussa niin kuin muutkin köyhät. Se on totta, se pitää näyttää lukijoille.
Sitten on meitä heikkomielisempiä, joiden motiivien syvissä vesissä yhdistyvät inhimillisyys ja kunnianhimo."

Leena kirjoitti...

Revi se Kalelan fanikuva seinältäsi ja liimaa tilalle J. Seppinen, joka on näiden 'sankarijournalistien' älyllinen esikuva.

Vasarahammer kirjoitti...

Ei täältä kommenttiosastolta näytä löytyvän innokkaita lähimenneisyyden tutkijoita.

Yliopistomaailma vasemmistolaistui 60-luvulta alkaen kaikkialla läntisessa maailmassa. Suomessa dominoi totalitaristista kommunismia ihannoiva suuntaus, johon kuuluneita on edelleen merkittävissä asemissa ja joiden henkinen perintö vaikuttaa edelleen. Minusta tässä on erittäin kiinnostava tutkimuskohde varsinkin, kun entiset taistolaiset edelleen miehittävät merkittäviä paikkoja yliopistomaailmassa, mediassa ja valtionhallinnossa.

Ennen 60-lukua ja sotaa kokemattoman sukupolven nousua suhtautuminen Neuvostoliittoon oli erilaista ja perustui osittain uuden sodan pelkoon ja osin käytännöllisiin lähtökohtiin. Mopo karkasi käsistä vasta, kun Kekkosen politiikan viimeisetkin vastustajat oli kesytetty.

Jos lähimenneisyyden yhteydessä vasemmistolaisuutta vähän jälkijättöisesti vedetään lokaan, sen voi laskea oheisvahingoksi, koska minkään tutkimuksen tarkoituksena ei voi olla tietyn poliittisen suunnan varjelu kritiikiltä. Se vasemmistolaisuus, jota taistolaiset ajoivat, pitääkin vetää kölin alta ja kunnolla. Totalitarismin kannattajia ei saa päästää kuin koira veräjästä pelkästään siksi, että he olivat "heikkojen puolella" tai he "pyrkivät hyvään".

Ei-kommunisteilla motiivit olivat toki maanläheisemmät. Heidän toimintansa on nykymittapuun mukaan alhaista, mutta ei ollut yksin heidän syytään, että vaikuttaminen politiikassa ilman kumarrusta Tehtaankadun suuntaan ei ollut mahdollista.

lauri huuskonen kirjoitti...

Olen 45-vuotias ja aina äänestänyt
porvareita.No ,kerran kunnallisvaa-
leissa yhtä demaria,mutta hänkin
kuuluu ns. asevelisosialisteihin.
Mutta nyt on ihan pakko puolustaa
vasemmistolaisia.Se,että joku kuu-
lui aikoinaan liikkeeseen nimeltä
SKDL,ei todellakaan tee hänestä
huonoa tai valheellista vaikkapa
professoria tänä päivänä.Niistä
piireista löytyi ihan yhtä paljon
aitoa ihanteellisuutta ja humanis-
mia kuin politiikan oikealta lai-
dalta.Ja tietty molemmissa leirei-
sessä oli omat pyrkyrinsä ja op-
Alma Median väitteeseen,että meil-
lä ei keskustella 1970-luvusta tar-
peeksi,sisältyy mielestäni oletta-
mus,että kun vaan tarpeeksi kes-
kustellaan,niin me kaikki päädymme
lopulta yhteen ja yhteiseen käsi-
tykseen asioista.Siis lopullinen
Konsensus.Aika infantiili toive.
Tulee aina olemaan erilaisia käsi-
tyksiä vuodesta 1918 Suomessa,Kek-
kosen ajasta jne. Ja mikään määrä
historiantutkimusta ei tätä muuksi
Toiseksi kannattaa muistaa,että
nyky-Suomi on jotain muuta kuin mi-
tä monet äärivasemmalla ja oikealla
tavoittelivat viime vuosisadan al-
kupuolella.Monien oli vain pakko
hyväksyä monipuolue-Suomi,josta ei
tullut sen enempää Kuusisen kuin
Mannerheiminkaan valtakuntaa.Moni
pettyi,mutta oppi elämään sen kans-

Jouni kirjoitti...

Eikä löydy vasarahammerinkaan jälkeen. Deus ex machinoinnit voi mun puolesta jättää pois. Kiitos.

Vasarahammer kirjoitti...

"Se,että joku kuu-
lui aikoinaan liikkeeseen nimeltä
SKDL,ei todellakaan tee hänestä
huonoa tai valheellista vaikkapa
professoria tänä päivänä."

Minä puhuin nimenomaan taistolaisuudesta. SKDL:ään kuului muutakin porukkaa, josta läheskään kaikki eivät olleet mukana luomassa sosialistista Suomea.

piireista löytyi ihan yhtä paljon
aitoa ihanteellisuutta ja humanis-
mia kuin politiikan oikealta lai-

Hyvä tarkoitus voi rauhoittaa omatuntoa, mutta ei minusta ole riittävä selitys silloin, kun kannattaa ihmisvihamielistä totalitarismia.

Kun kirjoitin henkisestä perinnöstä, tarkoitin tapaa, jolla Matti Rossi vastasi Ben Zyskowiczille, kun tämä oli arvostellut Rossin palkitsemista.

Lisäksi tuoreempana esimerkkinä median puolelta voi ottaa Ylen tuottaja Iikka Vehkalahden päätöksen olla esittämättä Tanskan pilakuvakriisistä kertovaa Miksi demokratia -sarjan dokumenttia, ja myöhempiä selityksiä, miksi dokumenttia ei haluttu näyttää.

Jouni kirjoitti...

Viittaan ensimmäisen kommenttini viimeiseen virkkeeseen. Dixi.

Markku Jokisipilä kirjoitti...

1918, aseveljeys 1941-1944, Kekkonen ja suomettuminen... yhteiseen näkemykseen ei varmaan päästä eikä sitä kai moniarvoisessa yhteiskunnassa tulisi minään ideaalina pitääkään. Pääasia on, että saamme ilmoille mahdollisimman paljon analyyttista ja tutkimukselliseen otteeseen perustuvaa informaatiota, jolloin itse kukin voi vetää omat johtopäätöksensä asioista.

Se bagatellisoimisen kulttuuri, jota monet 1970-luvun radikaalit soveltavat omasta menneisyydestä puhuessaan, ei auta pääsemään asiassa eteenpäin. Kun tietoa ei ole tarpeeksi, ei ole edellytyksiä myöskään tehdä johtopäätöksiä siitä, mikä oli ns. maan tavan sanelemalla tavalla normaalia ja tarpeellista, mikä poliittista kalastelua ja opportunismia.

Nykyisessä vajaan tietämyksen ilmapiirissä pääsevät kukkimaan niin maton alle lakaiseminen kuin pahansuopa sensationalismikin. Yksilöiden syntejä mielenkiintoisempi asia ovat suomettumisen kokonaisvaikutukset Suomen poliittiselle järjestelmälle ja yhteiskunnalle. Professori Henrik Meinanderin hyvä kommentti meikäläisen parlamentarismin 1970-luvun perintöä olevista heikoista kohdista jäi Aamulehden jutussa valitettavasti ajojahtimaisen yleisen sävyn alle.

Sedis kirjoitti...

Taistolaisista ei tässä edes puhuta. Mainitut professorit - Kimmon puoluekantaa en kyllä tiedä - ovat julkisesti tunnetulla tavalla sosialidemokraatteja.

Sillä puoluetaustalla ei totisesti ole ollut helppo tulla historian professoriksi. Oliko ennen Nevakiveä ketää? Jos joku sanoo L. A. Puntila, niin minä nauran - ja hän sentään oli SDP:n eduskuntaryhmän puheenjohtajakin jonkin aikaa 1960-luvulla.

Seppo tuli ymmärtääkseni sosialidemokraattisiin aatoksiin tosin vasta DDR:n kokemusten koulimana, mutta kovin kummoista syntilistaa ei käsittääkseni hänellekään saa aikaiseksi.

En usko olevani väärässä, jos sanon, että kun häntä haluaa hullutuksista syyttää, niin syytettäköön työhulluudesta.

P. S. Vasarahammerille sen verran, että mainittu dokumentti esitetään vai joko se tuli. Väärää informaatioa siis.

Marjo kirjoitti...

Vasarahammar kirjoitti: "Suomessa dominoi totalitaristista kommunismia ihannoiva suuntaus"

Tälläiset päättömät yleistykset osoittavat täydellistä asintuntemattomuutta. Eri yliopistot, tiedekunnat ja aineet olivat tuolloin(kin) ihan erilaisia.

Oman kokemukseni mukaan väite pitää parhaiten paikkansa Tampereen yhteiskunnallisesta tiedekunnasta 70-luvun lopulla, mutta esim. Osmo Jussilan luennossa Venäjän/NL:n historiasta ei moisesta näkynyt jälkeäkään.

Helsingin yliopistossa oli kirjallisuudessa ja historiassa ihan toisenlainen ilmapiiri. Valtiotietellisen puolella marxilaisuutta oli, mutta ei niin dogmattisesti kuin Tampereella.

Kimmo Rentola oli nuorena taistolainen, mutta tällä perusteella pitäisi raakata entisten AKS:läisten myöhemmät tutkimukset. Oleellista on, millaisia Rentolan tutkimukset SKP:stä ovat. Eikö niitä ole yleisesti kiitelty?

Rentolalla on myös kokemusta tiedustelupalvelun arkiston käytöstä, joten hän ei menisi suoraan uskomaan jotain vain siksi että joku agentti on kirjoittanut raportin.

Vasarahammer kirjoitti...

"Vasarahammerille sen verran, että mainittu dokumentti esitetään vai joko se tuli. Väärää informaatioa siis."

Alkujaan dokumenttia ei aiottu esittää, mutta myöhemmin tultiin toisiin ajatuksiin. Poisjättämisen alkuperäiset perustelut vaikuttivat vähintäänkin huterilta ellei peräti tekaistuilta.

Vähän samankaltaisesta työtapaturmasta taisi olla kyse kuin Ayaan Hirsi Alin Neitsythäkin julkaisussa. Suomettumisen perinnöksi voidaan sekin tulkita, kuten Matti Vanhasen anteeksipyyntö silloin, kun nuo dokumentin käsittelemät kuvat julkaistiin suomalaisella palvelimella.

Minusta suomettumiseen liittyvä opportunismi oli seurausta siitä, että vallitsevan ulkopoliittisen linjan arvostelu vei suoraa tietä poliittiseen marginaaliin, koska kaikki Kekkosen vakavasti otettavat vastustajat oli kukistettu. Ei yksinkertaisesti ollut muuta vaihtoehtoa, jos halusi toimia politiikassa. SMP toimi jonkinlaisena varaventtiilinä lyhyen aikaa 70-luvun alussa.

Opposition kaatuminen antoi sitten tilaa äärivasemmistolaiselle suuntaukselle, jonka negatiiviset vaikutukset näkyvät vielä tänäänkin julkisessa keskustelussa ja yliopistomaailmassa.

Itse olen liian nuori enkä ole nähnyt itse taistolaisuuden nousua. Oma isä hurahti lyhyeksi aikaa vasemmistolaisuuteen työskennellessään Yleisradiossa. 80-luvulla ylipolitisoitunut 70-luku oli jo takana päin, ja ulkopolitiikka pelkkää ulkoa opittujen fraasien toistelua.

60- ja 70-lukujen historian käsittelyä tarvitaan, koska nyt on kasvamassa uusvasemmistolainen prekariaattisukupolvi, jonka retoriikka muistuttaa surullisella tavalla taistolaisten vastaavaa. Neuvostoliitto vain on ehtinyt siinä välissä kaatumaan.

Eipä tainnut kulttuuriministeri Stefan Wallinkaan tietää, mitä Matti Rossi oli 70-luvulla tehnyt, kun luovutti tälle valtionpalkinnon.

Anonyymi kirjoitti...

Miksi kukaan ei mainitse sanaa 'Yleisdemokaattinen rintama'? Taistolaisten valta ei tullut taistolaisten suuresta määrästä, vaan johtoasemasta yleisdemokraattisessa rintamassa, johon kuuluivat myös demarien,
kepun, lipilaarien ja ruåtsalaisten opiskelija- ja nuorisojärjestöt.

Sedis kirjoitti...

Vasarahammer on aina välissä ihan terävänä, mutta aina sitten lipsahtaa.

Vahinko sinänsä. Siis se että aina.

Vasarahammer kirjoitti...

"Vasarahammer on aina välissä ihan terävänä, mutta aina sitten lipsahtaa."

Voisitko tarkentaa, missä menin metsään? Ihan vain tulevaisuuden varalta, että tiedän varoa.

leena kirjoitti...

”Se bagatellisoimisen kulttuuri, jota monet 1970-luvun radikaalit soveltavat omasta menneisyydestä puhuessaan, ei auta pääsemään asiassa eteenpäin.”

Jos on entinen radikaali, niin kelpo tutkimus ei riitä, vaikka sitten tutkisi sopulikannan levinneisyyttä tai alushousujen käyttöä 1800-luvun Suomessa. Esipuheessa on muistettava ripittäytyä, tunnustaa syntinsä. Schuldig!

Jaakko Vasankari kirjoitti...

Sedis: "Vasarahammerille sen verran, että mainittu dokumentti esitetään vai joko se tuli. Väärää informaatioa siis."

Vasarahammaer: "Alkujaan dokumenttia ei aiottu esittää, mutta myöhemmin tultiin toisiin ajatuksiin. Poisjättämisen alkuperäiset perustelut vaikuttivat vähintäänkin huterilta ellei peräti tekaistuilta."

Sunnuntain Helsingin Sanomissa kerrottiin, että kaveri (Vehkalahti), jota sensuurista syytettiin, oli itse toiminut Bloody Cartoons -elokuvan tuottajana. Miksi joku tuottaisi elokuvan, jota ei halua esitettäväksi? (Kevät koittaa Hitlerille -tarinassa tuottajilla on kyllä motiivi tuottaa huono, ei-menestyvä teos, mutta se onkin toinen asia)

Prekariaattiaktivistien, anarkistien tai kommunistien syyttäminen neuvostoliiton perään haikailusta on hieman ylimitoitettua. Prekariaattia voisi yhdistää vaatimus varmasta toimeentulosta. Anarkisteja voisi yhdistää näkemykset vallan korruptoivista vaikutuksista. Kommunisteja näyttää olevan ketkä tahansa, jotka sellaiseksi vain uskaltautuu tunnustautua.

Pitää kuitenkin kysyä, että millä tavalla 70-luvun vasemmiston ja 2000-luvun uuden vasemmiston retoriikka muistuttaa toisiaan muuta kuin termien kapitalismi tai imperialismi osaamisella?

Jouni kirjoitti...

Tämä menee osittain ohi kirjoituksen aiheen, mutta laitetaan kuitenkin:

Niin, käsitteellisellä tasolla niin "oikeisto" kuin "vasemmisto" ovat mielestäni aikaisempaa kiivaammassa muutoksen tilassa, koska esimerkiksi "luokka" kollektiivisena subjektina ei välttämättä ole yhtä kuvaava tai toimiva kuin ennen. Tätä voisi havainnollistaa esimerkiksi seuraavasti: mihin sijoittaa "työväenluokka", jos me kaikki olemme työväkeä, joka työskentelee vaikkapa kansakunnan parhaaksi? Työtä siellä, työtä täällä, työtä kansakunnan kaapin päällä?

Viime eduskuntavaaleissa näkyi kiinnostavalla tavalla, että työväki-käsitteellä ei ole essentialistista sisältöä, kun kokoomus pyrki ilmeisen onnistuneesti assosioimaan itsensä työväen edustajaksi. Ja samalla tietysti koko käsite meni uudelleen määriteltäväksi. Toisaalta vanha antagonismi ei muutu miksikään, sillä oikeistodiskurssiin kuuluva ykseyspuhe työn tähden siirtää enemmän tai vähemmän vaivihkaa valtaa kohti tahoa, joka tarjoaa työtä, jolloin sen määrittelemistä arvoista tulee pohja vaaditulle kansalliselle yhtenäisyydelle.

Historiapoliittisesti onkin aika kiinnostavaa, että esim. kokoomuksen nykyinen retoriikka muistuttaa erittäin paljon ensimmäisen tasavallan ajan puolueohjelmia. Samalla tapaa vasemmistolaisuuskritiikistä löytyy runsaasti yhtymäkohtia sotien välisen ajan kommunismipelkoihin. Em. kaltainen menneisyydellä politikointi ei tietysti ole mitään järisyttävän uutta.

Mun mielestä vasemmiston ei välttämättä kannattaisi takertua enää entisiin ajattelumalleihin tai todellisuuskonseptioihin, vaan luoda nahkansa uudestaan esim. just tämän prekarisaatio-ilmiön kautta vaikkapa sen suhteen, miten pyrkiä luomaan ohjelma, joka tähtäisi rikkomaan pätkä- ja silpputyön luomat kahleet. Asia ei varmastikaan ole näin yksinkertainen, mutta ajoittain olen havainnut, että vasemmalla operoidaan yhä edelleen vanhoilla käsitteillä ja käsityksillä. Olisiko seuraavissa vaaleissa vasemmiston aika luoda itsensä uudelleen ja esitellä kolmannen tasavallan vasemmistolaisuus?

VPA kirjoitti...

Ensinnäkin kaunis kiitos itse blogista ja sen sisältämästä esitelmästä. Harkittua, monipuolista ja tyylikästä tekstiä kaikin puolin.

Itse aivan liiankin kauan aikaa Tampereen yliopistossa eri rooleissa kuluttaneena tekee mieli esittää muutama kommentti. Aikaa tuli vietettyä sekä samoissa seminaareissa että vapaa-ajan ympyröissä monien vieläkin vaikuttajahenkilöinä pidettävien kanssa. Osa on jo poistunut eläkkeelle, erilaisina neuvoksina tms. tai sitten ei...

Ja yksi pointti heti tähän alkuun. Ei saa unohtaa niitä kovin useita henkilökohtaisia tragedioita, joita tuohon fanatismiin liittyi. Tiedän monta kovin surullista tarinaa.

Anonyymi tuolla edellä jo viittasi siihen, että todellisuudessa oli kysymys "yleisdemokraattiseksi" nimetystä rintamasta. Näin se juuri oli. Siinä todella taistolaiset veivät ja muut vikisivät. Morjestan edelleen eduskunnassa istuvia porvareiksi luokiteltuja henkilöitä, jotka tuohon rintamaan kuuluivat, demareista puhumattakaan. Minulle nuo ajat ovat kuitenkin jääneet sen verran voimakkaasti mieleen, etten millään jaksa uskoa esimerkiksi siihen talous- ja yritysmyönteisyyteen, jota he nyt sanovat edustavansa.

En lähde noita aikoja kertailemaan, toivottavasti kaivattu historiankirjoitus pääsee liikkeelle. (Viittaanpa kuitenkin Heikki Ylikankaan Lauantai-seurassa esittämään epäilyyn: urallaan eteenpäin pyrkivä tutkija ei hevin tartu aiheeseen, jota portinvartijat eivät suosiolla katso. Voi siis yksinkertaisesti tulla pula kykenevistä ja halukkaista tutkijoista.)

Yksi seikka, jota pidän tärkeänä, on se, että tuon ajan menossa taloutta ja taloustiedettä suorastaan halveksittin. Jakokohteita kyllä riitti, mutta asian toinen puoli sai jäädä oman onnensa nojaan. Monia uudistuksia ajettiin läpi edes yrittämättä ymmärtää niiden taloudellisia seuraamuksia. Toki myönnän, ettei se monissa tapauksissa olisi kovin helppoa ollutkaan, jollei joskus suorastaan mahdotonta. Ajattelen esimerkiksi sairausvakuutus- tai eläkeratkaisuja, joiden vaikutusaika on kymmeniä vuosia. Nyt monet noista ratkaisuista tulevat hiljalleen siihen vaiheeseen, että maksut alkavat langeta.

Rohkenen väittää varjon ulottuvan yhä edelleen niin pitkälle, että kykenemättömyys talouden analysointiin ja kieleen on yksi tärkeä syy siihen, että nykykeskustelussa aloite on siirtynyt niin voimakaasti sailaksien ym. suuntaan. Politiikan, terveydenhoidon, yliopistojen, sosiaalipolitiikan ym. välttämätöntä uudistumista ei ole tapahtunut ko. toimijoiden omien toimien kautta. Oikein muuta tapaa muuttumiseen ei ole ollut kuin kinuta lisää resursseja. Yhä kuulee puheenvuoroja, joissa todetaan ettei ole vieläkään päästy lamaa edeltävälle tasolle. Pitää varmasti paikkansa, mutta kupla oli kupla, ei se mikään saavutettu etu ole.

Linkissä Alman artikkeliin ei tainnut tulla näkyviin kuvateksteissä olleita kommentteja. Niistä jäi mieleen erityisesti Aulis Aarnion arvio oikeustieteistä ja niissä (kuulemma) yhä vaikuttavista marksilaisista virtauksista. Minkä hinnan saamme pitkän päälle maksaa siitä, että esim. tuomioistuinlaitoksessa on liuta juristeja, jotka edelleen vannovat muinaisten toteemien nimiin?

Samaan muuten viittaa toinen suosikkibloggarini Jukka Kemppinen 13.2.2007. Tiivistettynä: "kyllä ajattelu meni silloin vähäksi aikaa pois muodista, toisten kopiointi ei sitä ole."

Toinen tärkeä pointti: voisin luetella useampiakin tutkimusaloja,jotka suorastaan katosivat kartalta tuona aikana. Tämä sen vuoksi, että yhden totuuden auguurit eivät lainkaan nähneet, eivät edes halunneet nähdä ulkopuolisen maailman muutosta. Kun sitten romahdus tapahtui, oltiin sananmukaisesti aivan pihalla. Ei ollut edes käsitteistöä, jolla ottaa uusi tilanne haltuun.

En viitsi esimerkkejä osoitella, mutta kysynpä hieman yleisemmällä tasolla: mitä yhteiskuntatieteillä ja -tieteilijöillä on annettavaa tämän päivan ajankohtaiseen keskusteluun? Keskusteluksi en lue sitä, että vaaditaan lisää rahaa sinne ja tänne, en liioin sitä, että esim. EVA:n tai SITRAn keskustelunavaukset ammutaan sen tien alas. Kysyn vain: missä ovat ne omat avaukset?

Näen siis nämä pitkäaikaisvaikutukset tärkeämpinä kuin sinänsä mielenkiintoiset listat sieltä ja täältä lähetystöstä.

wapaa westend kirjoitti...

Olen useasti ihmetellyt sitä, miksi meillä vuosikymmenestä toiseen puhutaan taistolaisten synneistä, mutta 30-40-lukujen äärioikeiston tekemisistä ei lainkaan. Eikä ole kai koskaan oikein puhuttukaan, ainakaan samassa laajuudessa kuin taistolaisista, jotka ovat vielä tuhat kertaa tuomittuinakin "anteeksipyynnön velkaa" ja "käsittelemätön historian sivu".

Kuinka moni tavallinen kadun kulkija osaa nimetä ainuttakaan IKL:läistä poliitikkoa? Taistolaisten nimiä sen sijaan toitotetaan jatkuvasti. Sinikka Sokka ja Heikki Kinnunen halusivat syödä kaikilta pään, kertoo Iltalehti. Jokseenkin erikoista painotusta, kun ottaa huomioon, että taistolaiset eivät koskaan olleet edes hallituksessa.

IKL:n nokkamiehet jatkoivat sodan jälkeen professoreina ja lakimiesliiton johtajina niin kuin ei mitään olisi tapahtunut. He eivät käsittääkseni olleet 60-luvulla jatkuvassa piinapenkissä joka viikko jossain mediassa. Ainoa rangaistus oli, että ei saanut haukkua ryssää niin paljon kuin olisi tehnyt mieli.

Onko ns. "taistolaiskeskustelu" osittain myös aiempien 30-40-luvun rähmällään olojen peittelyä? Tilan viemistä siltä keskustelulta, jota ei käydä?

Mikko V kirjoitti...

"Kimmon puoluekantaa en kyllä tiedä - ovat julkisesti tunnetulla tavalla sosialidemokraatteja."

Arvaan, että se on nykyään kepu.

Anonyymi kirjoitti...

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Anonyymi kirjoitti...

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